By R. Lukens-Bull
This undertaking seems on the paintings of the school in Indonesia's nationwide Islamic Institutes to handle, reply, and forestall the luck of radical Islamic discourse and establishment of Shari'a legislations within the university procedure.
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Extra resources for Islamic Higher Education in Indonesia: Continuity and Conflict
One possible answer given in the mid-1990s was PhD holders. In the 1990s, many kyai saw the bureaucratization of Indonesian Islamic leadership as inevitable, but they were not pleased by the education being received by future religious bureaucrats. To compensate for the perceived inadequacy of an IAIN education, some students, mostly from kyai families, endured a double education process, first attending a very traditional pesantren like Lirboyo or Al-Fallah and then obtaining a degree from IAIN.
Chapter Summaries Chapter 2 frames the discussion in terms of the variation found in the interpretation and practice of Islam. Theoretically, the chapter suggests that variation in religious practices is similar to dialect differences in language. The determination of which dialects are authentic and proper, like much of the construction of symbolic meaning, is inherently political. Within this theoretical frame, the chapter explores the broad outlines of the variation found in Indonesian Islam, namely the Classicalist, Reformists, Islamists, and Jihadists.
Lukens-Bull 2005: 58). Further, the private Islamic studies institute of which Jabar was also the rector 18 I S L A MIC HIGHE R E DUCAT ION IN INDONESIA required all the students to read and study classical texts in the traditional. Because Jabar saw the importance of students being able to read and have primary access to classical texts, he tried to institute a similar program at IAIN Surabaya. However, a complete lack of interest led to its quick demise. In the 1990s, Islamic studies at a few IAIN, like the Jakarta campus, were no longer defined by skill in recitation.