By Susan J. Spronk, Jeffery R. Webber
Because the late-1990s a lot of Latin the United States has skilled an asymmetric and contradictory flip to the Left within the electoral area. whilst, there was a rejuvenation of Marxist evaluations of political economic system. Drawing at the services of Latin American, North American, and ecu students, this quantity deals state-of-the-art theoretical explorations of developments within the quarter, in addition to in-depth case reports of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, and Venezuela. Essays within the quantity specialise in adjustments to category formation in Latin the USA and provide new insights into the state-form, exploring the complicated courting among kingdom and marketplace in contexts of past due capitalist improvement, fairly in nations endowed with very good average source wealth.
Contributors are: Dario Azzellini, Emilia Castorina, Mariano Féliz, Juan Grigera, Nicolas Grinberg, Gabriel Hetland, Claudio Katz, Thomas Purcell, Ben Selwyn, Susan J. Spronk, Guido Starosta, Leandro Vergara-Camus, and Jeffery R. Webber.
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Extra resources for Crisis and Contradiction: Marxist Perspectives on Latin America in the Global Political Economy
Gay Seidman 1994 describes such union strategies as ‘social movement unionism’. 21 The government promised to cancel the contract but has taken more than a year to follow through with the promise. Nonetheless, the ‘Water War’ in El Alto was effective in the sense that the government reacted quickly to meet social movement demands. 22 Lobina 2000; Crespo Flores 2002, p. 208. 38 Spronk concession area could be charged for collecting water from their own wells. Under the law, concessionaires could also apply to draw on water resources in the region surrounding the concession area, which raised the ire of the indigenous peasants in the Cochabamba Valley who depend on water for irrigation.
By December, urban water bills showed the anticipated price hikes, even though water services had not improved. 27 Some found themselves paying 20 percent of their monthly income for water, four times more than the limit recommended by the Pan American Health Organisation. The Coordinadora found it relatively easy to mobilise people, who had already suffered recurring economic crises that many of them linked to neoliberalism. In early February 2000, the Coordinadora organised a peaceful takeover of the city (‘toma pacífica’) to pressure the government to freeze the rate hikes and remove the monopoly provision from the contract and water legislation.
30 At the time of the Water War, however, public sector trade unions were notably absent. While the Fabriles played an important role in the Coordinadora, providing ideological leadership and office space, the union that represents the workers of the public utility played a much less visible role. Indeed, they did not even participate in the street protests of February or April. 31 He emphasised, however, that the leaders from the union did attend meetings of the Coordinadora at the time of its founding and consider themselves members of the Coordinadora.