Child Phonology. Production by Grace Yeni-Komshian

By Grace Yeni-Komshian

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By Grace Yeni-Komshian

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Let us begin to evaluate what has happened since 1968 by considering the general nature of the interaction of linked psychological fields that stand in the relationship of "central" or "general" fields of study to developmental study; from this we can obtain some of the perspective that is needed to understand the evolving relationship between phonological theory and child phonology from about 1968 to the present. '^Center'' and 'Periphery'' First, it is more than adult egocentrism that is behind the general equat­ ing of the center of psychological fields with the study of adults and the relegation of developmental studies to that periphery which is otherwise occupied by hyphenated interdisciplines.

51, 419-439. Goldsmith, J. (1976) "Autosegmental P h o n o l o g y , " (mimeo), MIT Doctoral Dissertation, cir­ culated through Indiana University Linguistics Club. Ingram, D. (1973) "Phonological Analysis of a Developmentally Aphasie Child," (mimeo). Institute for Childhood Aphasia, Stanford University. 40 Ingram, D. (1974) "Phonological Rules in Young Children," Journal 4 9 - 6 4 . (a) U S E MENN of Child Language, 1, Ingram, D. (1974) "Fronting in Child P h o n o l o g y , " Journal of Child Language, I, 2 3 3 - 2 4 1 .

Un­ fortunately, there are significant sociological forces on the side of Procrustes. If many new concepts are required to handle developmental data, the people at the center are likely to see such data as irrelevant to their enteφrise, and/ or be unwilling to invest the necessary time in learning the developmental material. Developmentalists are thus under pressure to maximize the sim­ ilarity between their constructs and those used by the center, and tend to follow central theory rather slavishly, especially when their field is young and data are not plentiful.

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