By Jennie Bristow (auth.)
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The second school adopted a qualitative approach, firmly eschewing the clear daylight of mathematics, and introverting the whole problem. (Mannheim, 1952, p. 276) These two schools of thought are situated within quite definite national contexts. He argues that ‘[t]he rationalist positivism is a direct continuation of classical rationalism’, and that ‘the important contributors to the problem are for the most part French’ or have come under the French influence, and cites Comte, Cournot, J. Dromel, Mentré ‘and others outside Germany’ as examples (p.
N. Eisenstadt’s (1956) book, From Generation to Generation, states as a ‘universal fact’ that ‘in every society age differences and similarities enter into the formation of that society’s “human images”, into the cultural definition of that man’s life and destiny’, and that ‘these definitions [are] always diffuse and complementary’ (Eisenstadt, 1956, p. 24). In his reflections on the ‘controversial concept’ of generations in history, Jaeger (1985) argues that ‘[t]he naïve and original meaning of generation is without doubt a biological-genealogical one’, which indicates that ‘descendants of a common ancestor take about thirty years to marry and have children’.
38). However, generational tensions emerge between parent and child, and between siblings, that speak to the broader structure of society at that time: Primogeniture conflates the generations in the person of the elder brother and blocks the generational passage of the younger brother. What might be described dispassionately as a contradiction in social categories is incarnated in the play, as in English social life, in family conflicts and identity crises. (Montrose, 1981, p. 36) Modernisation and generational disruption Industrialisation brought to the fore a conflict between continuity and change, and part of this was a disruption of the stable generational ties and rigid generational boundaries.